A Message To All My Friends About The Election

Trump will be President. This is a fact, unless the electoral college refuses to ratify his victory. A lot of people are … extremely upset. Its okay to be upset, its okay to feel angry, hurt and betrayed. This is a normal feeling after a lose, especially such a narrow lose in the midst of a heated campaign.This entire campaign, from the bruising primary to the absolutely brutal general election, has tested us all. Friends, and family have actually refused to speak to each other and acts of violence (committed by supporters of both candidates) have actually broken out all over the country. I have already talked a little about this to friends, and I’ve had a few days to think it over.

 

First, it’ll be okay. I know some of you are afraid of losing insurance, of being unable to pay for healthcare. I know some of you are afraid family will be forced out of the country. I know some of you are afraid that acts of violence against you will only increase. I don’t have good answers to you for this, other than … I’m sorry. The country, the political system, and the media failed you. You were failed when everyone told you it was “Hillary’s turn” that she was “Inevitable.” You were failed when everyone said Trump’s campaign would fail and he was doomed from the beginning. You were failed when millions of American’s didn’t show up at the polls to stop Trump. But most embarrassingly of all, you were failed by a political class that allowed a candidate like Hillary Clinton to become the only person capable of stopping Trump in the end. I know this isn’t much comfort, and there isn’t much that can be done today, but for now all I can tell you is I sorry, and that this won’t last forever.

 

Second, Trump might not be all bad. There is a chance we could see a rebalancing of American alliances, easing the financial burden on our military and ultimately strengthening us all. He could also renegotiate our trade agreements that might actually benefit the country as a whole. There is also a good chance we could see the tax code simplified and that would ease the burden on a lot of American’s at tax time. I am sure (hopefully) there is more but these are the early things that could actually help the country, and even the world.

 

Third, and this is crucial, the left lost an election, not the country. Trump’ win was narrow, so narrow in fact that had Jill Stein’s supporters all voted for Hillary in Wisconsin, Michigan and Pennsylvania  Trump would’ve lost. I am not saying this to blame Jill Stein or her supporters, but to illustrate a point. A good candidate would’ve beaten Trump. In four years if someone can bring together minorities, young people, and blue collar workers, then Progressives can’t lose. Not only that but now we can energize the country against Trump and Republicans. Democrats also have a chance to retake the house, something I didn’t think was possible before Trump was elected. If you are a Progressive or a moderate, take that anger, that hurt and nurture it. Use it and channel it into the next wave of elections. Begin organizing and working towards winning the next round. Just remember and this is important but give Trump a chance to fail. Don’t oppose everything he does and don’t attack everything he says. Be better than the Tea Party, and think before you oppose. I promise you Trump will do something that will enrage the entire country, just be patient and wait for your move.

 

We have gone through decades of political strife, and we will have to go through a little more, but soon a real political consensus could emerge that could actually heal this country. We will just have to be patient.

The Problem of the GOP

In 2008 a political wave occurred that completely changed the balance of political power in this country. Democrats had a huge majority in the house, 59 (or 60 depending on how you look at it) seats in the Senate and the White House. They also had a majority of governorships and state legislatures. Yes, it was a good time to be a Democrat. Then a curious thing seemed to occur – the conservative movement lost its collective mind. All of a sudden it was in fashion to question authority, and everything Barack Obama did made him the worst President in American history.

The first target that truly became the Conservative call-to-arms was the Affordable Care Act, or Obamacare. Protesters streamed to Washington and a new movement, the Tea Party, sprang up to battle this massive wave of government intervention they viewed as anathema to America. They pushed for a generation of the most conservative lawmakers in American history and created one of the biggest Republican waves ever, sweeping Republicans into a majority of governorships, state legislatures, and the House.

Almost immediately the GOP attempted to repeal virtually everything the President did, and refused to allow him to advance ANY agenda he set forth, and for the most part they succeeded. At this point you may be wondering why I am giving you a recent history lesson. Had the GOP any sense when they were swept into office, instead of attempting to repeal a law, an action with zero chance of success, they would have attempted to gut the law in exchange for something else the President wanted, but in their zeal to win elections their mouth made promises that their legislative hands couldn’t keep. You see, when a movement paints something as “evil”, “monstrous”, and “UnAmerican”, it makes negotiating impossible. After all, to negotiate with such forces is appeasement. So any talks with the President, by the Republican House would be seen as a betrayal by the grassroots. In short, while electing a GOP House to stop the President’s agenda, it also made any sort of functional government impossible.

The next great battle was over the debt ceiling. The debt ceiling was raising the amount of debt the Federal Government could gain. As you might expect, the conservative movement believed that the Federal Government should live within its means and did not want to raise the debt ceiling, forcing a partial default of the Federal Government. Had this occurred the economic damage would have been enormous. So the President and Speaker Boehner had an idea. They came up with a plan that would have made modest cuts to spending, and creating a modest tax increase on the wealthy. The plan would have reduced the deficit by 3 trillion dollars over 10 years. This is how adults work, you give up part of what you want in exchange to get something more important. If you are wondering what occurred with this deal, the answer is depressingly predictable. The far right balked at any tax increase and demanded even great spending cuts. Bohner, being the intelligent politician he is, knew the White House wouldn’t agree and so the deal fell apart.

It was during this time that the bright idea of Sequestration came about. Massive across the board cuts and tax increases that can only be offset by tax increases and spending cuts in other areas. The cuts were designed to be so painful that not only the laziest, most incompetent Congress would allow them to go though, hence why we are dealing with sequestration.

If you are seeing a pattern emerge of a conservative movement that is so incapable of compromise that they cause damage to not just the country but to their own interests, you are not alone. Time and time again the President will offer some sort of compromise and it will barely be considered. Then the GOP will be blamed for a very avoidable crisis.

This brings us to the government shutdown in 2013, in which the GOP attempted to cut funding for Obamacare, in exchange for funding the entire government. If that sounds like extortion to you, that means you have a good working understanding of the english language. The GOP views everything it stands for as being so important, that to give even an inch on ANY issue, is akin to surrender. Time and time again a crisis of Washington’s own making will occur, the Democrats will propose a centrist, or center left solution, the GOP will reject the entire proposal and will come up with zero alternative, knowing that anything the House would produce would be used against them in the next election. Even if you disagree with President Obama, at least he has the guts to propose a budget every single year. The House hasn’t produced a new one since 2012. They have only approved the same budget over and over and over again.

This bring us to Senator Tom Cotton’s letter to Iran. We have already talked about the letter in an earlier post but what I want to talk about is the intent of the letter. Now, if you are going to tell a hostile state “any deal struck my be modified by congress” before the talks are concluded, your goal has to be to undermine those talks. Now I am sure some of you are saying “Well Iran is a hostile state, a sponsor of terrorism, Iranian backed militias have attacked U.S. and Israeli forces, Iran has even threatened to destroy Israel. Why should we be talking to these people at all?” Because we won’t attack them. Iran is a geopolitical foe and is likely to remain one. Not only that but that, but with Iran pursuing Nuclear weapons their power will only increase. At this stage there are only two routes to remove those weapons: war or for Iran to disarm. The GOP seems to think Iran can be bullied and threatened into giving up its weapons, that we can force them to give up nukes without lifting any sanctions first. To many in Iran, negotiating with the United States “whom they see as evil” is wrong on any level and to do so is a sign of surrender. Gee, doesn’t that sound familiar? Any deal that the President strikes would more than likely be killed by the hardliners in Iran. If that had happened the world would have seen the United States negotiate in good faith while Iran backed out. However, now that it looks like the United States is trying to sabotage the deal before it is even struck will give states like China the perfect out for not pushing even tighter sanctions on Iran. Had we been able to get China to stop buying Iranian oil, it could very well cause the Iranian economy to collapse and a nuclear program would’ve been extremely difficult to continue. But by sending the letter, it will give the hard liners a perfect out and make tougher sanctions from states that still heavily trade with Iran nearly impossible.

This is the problem of the GOP. They only see a world of black and white and will not tolerate any way but their own. While the GOP has been able to cripple Democrats all over the country, they are once again only reacting to his agenda instead of creating one of their own. Obama has mastered the art of getting bitten on the hand. He reaches out and allows his hand to get bitten and when this occurs it allows him to set much more of the agenda than he would otherwise. This was his strategy with Iran and had the GOP not interefered it would have very likely worked.

This idea has created a gridlock in Washington that even with a GOP controlled congress they have difficulty passing legislation just to get to the President’s desk, let alone getting enough votes to override a veto, so, logically, you would think some attempt at compromise on tax reform, immigration, infrastructure, and a whole host of other issues would at least have been attempted in the GOP controlled house, yet to date virtually no bills have passed the House on these issues. The GOP wants to govern yet doesn’t want to make sacrifices to do so. This is why, even though the GOP has the larges House majority in a century, they still need support from some Democrats to pass the most basic of budget bills. If we are to have a functional government we need a Republican party that is more akin to a well oiled machine and less like an episode of Jerry Springer.

Are You Really Surprised by the GOP’s Manhandling of Obama-Iran Talks?

Misguided, condescending, unprecedented, brazen – these are words that might bring images into your head of people like Dwight Shrute, Michael Scott, (The Office, U.S. Version) or even Gregory House (House, M.D.), with their perplexing, peculiar, and often times extreme comments, worldviews, and methods of handling difficult situations. But is it hard to believe that those are words used to describe the GOP? If so, you shouldn’t be.

On Monday (March 9th, 2015), 47 GOP Senators signed a letter drafted by Arkansas Senator (R), Tom Cotton, which was directed at Iranian officials. You can read the letter in full here, but below are some of the more incendiary, indeed condescending remarks:

“It has to our attention while observing your nuclear negotiations with our government that you may not fully understand our constitutional system. Thus, we are writing to bring to your attention two features of our Constitution – the power to make binding international agreements and the different character of federal offices – which you should seriously consider as negotiations progress….

…What these two constitutional provisions mean is that we will consider any agreement regarding your nuclear-weapons program that is not approved by the Congress as nothing more than an executive agreement between President Obama and Ayatollah Khamenei. The next president could revoke such an executive agreement with the stroke of a pen and future Congresses could modify the terms of the agreement at any time.

We hope this letter enriches your knowledge of our constitutional system and promotes mutual understanding and clarity as nuclear negotiations progress.”

It’s not hard to guess the tone of the letter, and the parts left out in this post follow the same tone, the content of which outlines internal U.S. laws. It’s difficult for me to see how the Republicans can take Iran seriously with such an approach, one that suggests Iran is ignorant – if not entirely stupid – as to how the United States Government functions, or even International Law. Republicans seem to have made up their minds in regards to Iran. They demand Iran dismantle its Nuclear program immediately, without Iran receiving anything in return. Were the United call  told something similar we would call that appeasement. Senator Cotton only seems to see things through an extremely short sighted view.

Still, Mohammad Javad Zarif, Iran’s Foreign Minister, who has attended San Francisco State university, and received his PhD in International Law and Policy at the University of Denver didn’t waste any time in responding to the letter. You can read his full response here, although below are some poignant excerpts:

“…in our view, this letter has no legal value and is mostly a propaganda ploy.  It is very interesting that while negotiations are still in progress and while no agreement has been reached, some political pressure groups are so afraid even of the prospect of an agreement that they resort to unconventional methods, unprecedented in diplomatic history.  This indicates that like Netanyahu, who considers peace as an existential threat, some are opposed to any agreement, regardless of its content.”

Dr. Zarif continues by pointing out that, if a newly elected President were to just revoke international treaties, it would be a violation of international law. Going further, he points out that Congress would not be able to just up and change any deal that’s been made with other nations unless it went through P5+1, as well as the Security Council – a daunting task to say the least. Dr. Zarif’s rebuttal is echoed with PolitiFacts analysis of Tom Cotton’s open letter, of which they labeled “mostly true”, although needing more explanation.

Some have asked Tom Cotton what he aimed to achieve by sending an open letter, signed by 47% of the sitting Senators, indeed 87% of sitting Republican Senators? His response was simple: “complete nuclear disarmament.” When asked during his interview on MSNBC’s Morning Joe if his goal was to undermine the president, he said no, that his point was that “if Congress doesn’t pass a deal, Congress won’t accept a deal.” This runs counter to comments he made in January at a conference held by the Heritage Foundation in which he said:

“The United States must cease all appeasement, conciliation and concessions towards Iran, starting with the sham nuclear negotiations. Certain voices call for congressional restraint, urging Congress not to act now lest Iran walk away from the negotiating table, undermining the fabled yet always absent moderates in Iran. But, the end of these negotiations isn’t an unintended consequence of Congressional action, it is very much an intended consequence. A feature, not a bug, so to speak.”

Interestingly, the American Israel Public Affairs Committee, or AIPAC, led by Mark Kirk (R), and with the help of Robert Mendez (D), had already drafted legislation that aims to strengthen sanctions on Iran, as well destroying all talks that would end in a negotiation with Iran. It is hoped that this legislation will pass before any agreements are made.

Still, many supporters of the letter indicate that this isn’t really unprecedented, as many times in the past, various congressional members traveled to, or directly communicated with foreign leaders amid foreign talks with presidents. Although true to some extent, these examples lack the same context as this open letter. Some examples would be when John Sparkman and George McGovern went to Cuba in 1975 and met with government actors, or when Teddy Kennedy sent emissaries to the Soviet Union to undermine. Many examples persist, much similar to these two, involving even Nancy Pelosi, and John Kerry. When instances like this arrive, opponents refer to the Logan Act, which you can read an accurate summary here. Regardless, this piece of legislation – which is over 200 years old – is essentially useless. No one has been punished under it, and many allude to it being unconstitutional due to its vagueness. I would agree.

I would also like to reiterate the importance of context. In all of the examples in the past in which  a Senator traveled abroad, communicated with, or interacted with a foreign leader or officials, with or without the intent to dismantle talks between the President and foreign leaders – it was always one or a few individuals. In many instances, Senators were only going over to discuss, or to witness, in an unofficial capacity to better understand and assess the situation. Others, such as Nancy Pelosi, John Kerry, and Teddy Kennedy, may have, in an official capacity, gone over to intervene, if not entirely achieve a goal very different than that of the president. In all events in which a person attempts to destroy discussion, i.e., going behind the president’s back to achieve a different goal – I would argue is wrong, and should be illegal. That all having been said, I would argue that what makes this open letter unprecedented, and fitting of all critiques, is that it wasn’t just one individual, or even three. It wasn’t an emissary on behalf of one sitting U.S. Senator. It was half of the Senate that said, in essence, they have no respect for their President, they have no respect for Iran, they have no respect for the complex political forces, they have no respect for the other nations currently in talks with Iran, and they certainly have no respect for the notion of governance.

The President has the authority to work out negotiations with other foreign leaders. Executive agreements constitute the vast majority of negotiations with other countries. The President may make such negotiations with the advice and consent of the Senate. The Senate has made their stance clear – sanctions on Iran – a rather bipartisan agreement in fact. The proper method of intervention from a foreign policy standpoint is to pass a veto-proof Senate bill, forcing the President to follow along with that they feel is a better approach to dealing with Iran. Sending a letter to Iranian officials, condescendingly attempting to enlighten them on how the U.S. works, with the goal of undermining international negotiations is dangerous, irresponsible, and poignantly hypocritical.

Say what you will about Iran, or your stance on Foreign Policy, and nuclear proliferation, as these topics really are not that subject matter of this post. This piece has everything to do with the negligence, indeed the very misplaced tactical approach of Senate Republicans. It’s one thing for the Senate to pass a bill concerning foreign relations, but a whole other idea when a very partisan half of the Senate attempts to destroy foreign relations. It’s a blatant disregard of not just the President, but the other 5 countries currently in talks. Republicans need to learn that international treaties and negotiations aren’t just U.S. matters, but world matters.

Some have argued that the letter may very well strengthen the Democratic cause in objecting any bill that gets pushed through the Senate – which may well be the case. But what the letter does more than “enrich” Iran’s knowledge of the U.S. political system, it goes to show that 1) Republicans have no respect for Obama, or his ability to handle foreign matters, and 2) it goes to show that the United States has a dysfunctional political system, driven by partisan politics rather than legitimate goals at ending maritime conflicts.

 

American Allies: Are They Good For Us?

World war two was one of the most traumatic and world changing events in human history. It left Europe and Asia devastated, killed tens of millions of people, and completely changed the global balance of power. In its aftermath two states became global superpowers: The United States of America, and the Soviet Union. The United States viewed the spread of communism as the greatest threat to its security and so formed alliances with states all over the world. Most notably with the United Kingdom, France, Germany, Japan, and South Korea. This alliance system spread, in Europe it became the North Atlantic Treaty Organization (N.A.T.O.), while in Asia it became an informal alliance system based more on the threat of the moment than a formal system like N.A.T.O. As time as wore on other states have been added to the American alliance system, Israel, Turkey, virtually all of Europe, Taiwan, Australia. Since 1945 this alliance system has formed the bedrock of international relations and global security. Its has become an institution in and of itself. But what if we ask ourselves the question, is this alliance system benefiting America?

In 2011 the Muammar Gaddafi forces were advancing on Benghazi, he was surely going to massacre the city. The U.N. passed a resolution authorizing an air campaign to protect civilian targets. The U.S. took the lead on this leading a devastating campaign on Gaddafi’s forces halting the assault. France and the United Kingdom agreed to take over with the United States becoming a supporting role. Within the month the United States had to spend millions giving smart bombs to the French and British air forces. While the both states did pay the U.S. back it raises the question: Why can’t our allies launch an air campaign against a Mediterranean state with the United States helping? France and Britain are far from weak states and control the two most powerful militaries in Europe. If any of our allies could perform such a task it should have been them. Now France has launched several peacekeeping missions in Africa over the last few years with a great deal more success than failure. However looking at states like Germany and Japan, looking at the huge cost of our forces in South Korea, and our huge presence in the Middle East even excluding our forces in Afghanistan the cost of global security and the protection of our allies adds up quickly.

Source: Globalissues.org, Military Spending

In an article in the Diplomat I read last week a novel idea. The notion was if we cut a deal with China in South Korea. We withdraw all forces from South Korea while China cuts off all support for North Korea. The idea being this causes North Korea to collapse and allows the peninsula to reunite and become a sort of Asian Switzerland. A strong state at the crossroads of powerful states that is unaligned to all of them. Now I am highly skeptical of this idea. North Korea is a dangerous unpredictable, and violent regime so I honestly have no idea how they would react to such actions from China, America and South Korea. The notion itself though is quite interesting. America withdrawing its military creating stronger states that are unaffiliated with any alliance system. The reason I am bringing all this up is because it raises the deeply troubling question. Are American alliances destabilizing the world? While our alliance with Korea I would say no, but what about Japan? Japan only spends 1% of G.D.P. on national defense and that is with both North Korea and China right next door, and being at a low point in relations with both states. Japan is currently in a territorial dispute with China and it could escalate into a dangerous confrontation at a moments notice. The Japanese government is increasingly nationalistic and does not seem to care that its actions are viewed as deeply offensive to its neighbors and allies. If the United States were to pull back its alliance with Japan what would happen. I think it would cause a full blown panic in Japanese foreign policy circles and cause a massive rearmament that would worsen relations in the region. So I would say our alliance stabilizes the region far more than it damages it.

The real question we need to start asking is can we afford to continue having such a powerful military. Our military spending makes up close to ⅓ of our entire budget, in a time of budget cuts we need states like Japan, France, and Germany to step up military spending because the United States can no longer carry the financial burden of these alliances alone, and it is not unthinkable that the next generation of foreign policy experts will begin to ask the question. “Are these alliance really worth the financial cost?”

Gun Control Pt. 3: Supreme Court Cases

It should be well stated that the culture war, facilitated clearly by both sides, but seemingly dominated by one side that focuses on propaganda, is only just a culture war. There’s a festering fringe like fear on the part of many gun-rights enthusiasts that the government is going to take their guns away. You can check out an interview with Wayne LaPierre here that sums up the perspective, indeed, what seems to be a worldview. Still, there’s no chance that any sitting president would successfully be able to “take” a person’s gun away, not legally, and more than likely not even by force. There’s a difference between taking someone’s gun away, and preventing people from obtaining certain guns, and regulating how guns should be handled in a public setting, or whatever scope that might be. Relegating any kind of regulation as being akin to unconstitutionality is unrealistic, and, frankly, constitutionally false.

If you don’t think it’s constitutional for gun control to even exist, you should look to United States v. Miller, 307 U.S. 174 (1939). This case had to do with whether or not it was constitutional for the National Firearms Act to ban the sale and transport of shotguns. The court held that, given the language of the Second Amendment, that it was permissible to regulate such a weapon because there was no evidence that it was in common military use. Therefore, civilians didn’t need access to it as it had no distinct purpose related to a well regulated militia. For more detail, you can read the opinion of the court here.

Quite some time later, in 2008, the Supreme Court of the United States would again tackle the Second Amendment as it pertained to a District of Colombia (D.C.) regulation on guns in District of Columbia et al v Heller, No. 07-290 (2008). This law, in effect, required weapons in the home to be effectively inoperable, even if it was necessary for self defense. Scalia, Roberts, Kennedy, Thomas and Alito were the majority opinion, while Stevens, Souter, Ginsburg, and Breyer opposed it, with Stevens and Breyer filing dissenting opinions. The majority opinion ruled that, 1) the second amendment protects an individual right to possess a firearm, even if that possession is unconnected to the militia, 2) the second amendment protects an individual’s right to use said weapon for purposes of self defense within the home. Scalia, writing for the court, pointed to state constitutions that had adopted similar clauses as the second amendment that pointed towards an individual ownership right. He also pointed to the drafting history of the second amendment. That being said, to quote Scalia:

United States v. Miller, 307 U. S. 174 , does not limit the right to keep and bear arms to militia purposes, but rather limits the type of weapon to which the right applies to those used by the militia, i.e., those in common use for lawful purposes.”

And,

“Like most rights, the Second Amendment right is not unlimited. It is not a right to keep and carry any weapon whatsoever in any manner whatsoever and for whatever purpose:  For example, concealed weapons prohibitions have been upheld under the Amendment or state analogues. The Court’s opinion should not be taken to cast doubt on longstanding prohibitions on the possession of firearms by felons and the mentally ill, or laws forbidding the carrying of firearms in sensitive places such as schools and government buildings, or laws imposing conditions and qualifications on the commercial sale of arms. Miller’s holding that the sorts of weapons protected are those “in common use at the time” finds support in the historical tradition of prohibiting the carrying of dangerous and unusual weapons.”

That being said, the reason that the D.C. trigger-lock requirement was found to be in violation of the second amendment is because hand guns are the most common weapon owned for purposes of self-defense. The law prevented the use of a weapon to protect ones’ self, it amounted to a total hand gun ban on an entire class, or so Scalia wrote.

As I noted before, Stevens and Breyer filed dissenting opinions. Stevens outlines why the opinion in United States v. Miller was faithful to the Second Amendment by focusing on the drafting history of the amendment. He follows this analysis by what occurred after ratification and argues that the amendment should not be interpreted as limiting congress’ authority to regulate the use or possession of firearms for civilian use. More importantly, Stevens’ dissent is a good example of the difference between interrelations, but neither is less valid than the other. Still, interpretation can erode facts, and whereupon such erosion occurs, opinion seems to then fill in the new found space. Regardless, Stevens agrees with Miller’s original interpretation of the second amendment as being a collective right, rather than such an individualistic view. Indeed, Stevens points to the fact that a number of Scalia’s arguments, which were in favor of the court’s eventual majority opinion, were fashioned not from arguments proposed on either side, but Scalia himself. An example of this would be:

“As a threshold matter, it is worth pausing to note an oddity in the Court’s interpretation of “to keep and bear arms.” Unlike the Court of Appeals, the Court does not read that phrase to create a right to possess arms for “lawful, private purposes.” Parker v.District of Columbia, 478 F. 3d 370, 382 (CADC 2007). Instead, the Court limits the Amendment’s protection to the right “to possess and carry weapons in case of confrontation.” Ante, at 19. No party or amicus urged this interpretation; the Court appears to have fashioned it out of whole cloth. But although this novel limitation lacks support in the text of the Amendment, the Amendment’s text does justify a different limitation: the “right to keep and bear arms” protects only a right to possess and use firearms in connection with service in a state-organized militia.”

Stevens isn’t alone, though, in the opinion that not only was precedent ignored, but also, for all intents and purposes, rewritten. Breyer also filed a dissenting opinion and touched on this very similar view of the majority opinion. Breyer, however, goes a whole different route, by pointing out the D.C. hand gun ban wasn’t a response to gun ownership, per se, but that it was a response to urban crime – a state response that was well within constitutional authority. Breyer, in effect, is arguing that the ruling slapped state sovereignty, even congressional authority, right in the kisser when it comes to the ability to tackle crime. Breyer states:

“… the Second Amendment protects militia-related, not self-defense-related, interests. These two interests are sometimes intertwined. To assure 18th-century citizens that they could keep arms for militia purposes would necessarily have allowed them to keep arms that they could have used for self-defense as well. But self-defense alone, detached from any militia-related objective, is not the Amendment’s concern…

…the protection the Amendment provides is not absolute. The Amendment permits government to regulate the interests that it serves. Thus, irrespective of what those interests are—whether they do or do not include an independent interest in self-defense—the majority’s view cannot be correct unless it can show that the District’s regulation is unreasonable or inappropriate in Second Amendmentterms. This the majority cannot do…

…the District’s law is consistent with the Second Amendment even if that Amendment is interpreted as protecting a wholly separate interest in individual self-defense. That is so because the District’s regulation, which focuses upon the presence of handguns in high-crime urban areas, represents a permissible legislative response to a serious, indeed life-threatening, problem.”

This may be true. Although Scalia noted, and as I quoted above, that the right to gun ownership isn’t unlimited, the point remains that there are square differences between the liberal and conservative perspectives of the second amendment, and how it should be interpreted. Breyer outlines gun laws in colonial history as it pertained to urban areas, and concludes that D.C.’s gun law was within that scope, and not in violation of the second amendment. To quote:

“To the contrary, colonial history itself offers important examples of the kinds of gun regulation that citizens would then have thought compatible with the “right to keep and bear arms,” whether embodied in Federal or State Constitutions, or the background common law. And those examples include substantial regulation of firearms in urban areas, including regulations that imposed obstacles to the use of firearms for the protection of the home…Boston, Philadelphia, and New York City, the three largest cities in America during that period, all restricted the firing of guns within city limits to at least some degree.”

This all having been said, the most recent Supreme Court case, McDonald v. City of Chicago, No. 08-1521 (2010), decided that the second amendment applied to the states through the process of incorporation via the fourteenth amendment, but as to which clause placed indoctrination was made unclear. You can read the opinion summary here. Alito wrote the opinion of the court, with Scalia and Thomas filing concurring opinions, while Stevens and Breyer each filed dissenting opinions. Stevens and Breyer believe this case to be a substantive due process issue. I will not delve deeper into this case, and instead rest with saying that this case only bolstered the second amendment. I highly encourage you to read the cases for yourselves, as well as the opinions.

I should sum up by simply saying that clearly this is a sticky topic when it comes to history, and case law. What’s most striking to me, however, is the abstinence on the part of the gun-rights enthusiasts to even acknowledge evidences that rejects their strict, albeit perfectionist views of the second amendment. The right to bear arms is not absolute. State governments have the authority to regulate weapons, as does the federal government. What McDonald, and Heller fail to do, much to the agreement of Stevens and Breyer, is outline the kind of scrutiny that any gun regulation should go through. What constitutes a law, exactly, that is so restrictive that it constitutes a violation of the second amendment? There are other questions that the court simply has yet to answer. It should also be noted that it is likely that the Supreme Court will continue down the current path of loosening the amendment to fit common perspectives now, in that it was clearly intended for individual right to ownership. I would suggest that such an interpretation is anything but clear – murky at best. Regardless, the court has grown increasingly more conservative, and Heller and McDonald only go further to show this. These are two examples, along with other cases for which I have mentioned, that show the conservative leaning justices as essentially re-writing the constitution by ignoring case precedence.

So, to end this part, no one is going to take your guns away. You have an individual right whether or not the second amendment gives you that right – Scalia and Alito have given it to you nonetheless. Further still, no one is going to take your guns away. It is that simple.

Gun Control Pt. 2: Violent Video Games

Some Rights Reserved. DeviantArt: L4D-4-Life

The open letter also tackled the issue of violent video games be saying:

“Recent social psychology research clearly indicates that there is a direct relationship between gratuitously violent movies/video games and desensitization to real violence and increased aggressive behavior particularly in children and young adults (See Nicholas L. Carnagey, et al. 2007. “The effect of video game violence on physiological desensitization to real-life violence” and the references therein. Journal of Experimental Social Psychology 43:489-496). Therefore, we strongly recommend that gratuitous violence in movies and video games be discouraged. War and war-like behavior should not be glorified. Hollywood and video game producers are exploiting something they know nothing about. General Sherman famously said “War is Hell!” Leave war to the Professionals. War is not a game and should not be “sold” as entertainment to our children.”

I’m sure it goes without saying that this is just one study, and certainly isn’t conclusive with respect to the grand debate surrounding video games. But it does little justice on my part not to delve into this a bit deeper. First, we’ll tackle their citation, which you can read here. Carnagey, Anderson, and Bushman indeed found that playing violent video games desensitized kids. 257 college students (48.2% male, 51.7% female) completed measures and surveys to determine video game preferences and trait aggression, followed by playing a violent or nonviolent video game for 20-minutes. After they played their games, they then watched a 10-minute long video depicting real life violence, during which their heart rate and galvanic skin response were measured. For those that played non-violent games, the heart rate increase quite dramatically from the baseline measure to after game play results for both nonviolent and violent games, however for those that played a nonviolent game their heart rate continued to go up while watching the 10-minute video, whereas those that played violent video games saw a decrease in heart rate. As for the galvanic skin response, the same trend happened during the 10 minute video, whereas there wasn’t much change between the baseline and after game play.

While the results certainly speak for themselves, the authors didn’t tackle the length for which the participants would remain desensitized. This is an important weakness. Mullin and Linz (1995) had participants watch sexually violent films and then measured emotional sensitivity and callousness towards domestic abuse victims [3]. What they found is that repeated exposure maintained desensitization, but after five days of no exposure the participants had rebounded to previous baseline levels. At this point in time, no other studies have tackled this issue directly with respect to violent video games, or even violent videos.

To continue on with what the research seems to indicate, Anderson and Bushman (2001) conducted a meta-analytic review of 35 articles [4]. With respect to 21 articles that followed an experimental procedure, there was a correlation (r = .18) between short term exposure to violent video games and a temporary increase in aggression. [Correlation, which is shown by r vary by size: +/- .10 = small, +/- .30 = medium, +/- .50 = large. + r, means that as one variable increases so does the other, whereas a –r indicates that as one variable increases, the other decreases]. As for the 13 articles that followed non-experimental procedures (field studies), also found a correlation (r = .19) between violence video games and aggression. Other correlations found with respect to non-experimental designs were: time spent playing violent video games (r = .26), preference for violent video games (r = .16), and playing violent videogames in general (r = .16). The authors found a negative correlation between violent video games and prosocial behavior in the real world (r = -.16). In other words, the more a person plays violent video games, the less likely they are to help. Among other correlations was found between aggressive thoughts (cognition) and video game violence (r = .27). In other words, violent video games were found to increase aggressive thoughts in people of all ages and both sexes, and while this is indeed causal, in stark contrast to the other correlations listed above, duration of aggressive thoughts was not stated or measured. There was a positive correlation (r = .18) between violent video games and aggressive affect. Another correlation (r = .22) was found between violent video games and physiological arousal, typically measured by heart rate, and systolic and diastolic blood pressure.

Meta-analysis is a good tool to find patterns in research findings, in effect, it is basically researching research, which is why I cited the source above. But before I move on from this, I think I should summarize a more recent analysis.

Ferguson (2007) found that much of the research was mixed, but more important that two meta-analyses found within the research small correlations between violent video games and aggression (such as the one listed above), but also found three other meta-analyses that found no support for a causal relationship between aggression and violent games. He further points to research that controls for family violence in which correlations, causal or otherwise evaporate between criminal behavior and violent video games. In other words, criminal behavior may actually be symptom of violence at home, and not time spent playing games. Still, Ferguson also tackles a major issue with respect to publication bias. In any case, Ferguson found a correlation between violent video games and aggressive behavior (r = .14), and visuospatial cognition (this is essentially your visual memory, visual attention, selection, and absorption to – it’s good) (r = .49). With respect to aggressive behavior, that only explains 2% of the variance, and 24% for visuospatial cognition. Ferguson then controlled for publication bias, which reduced those correlations and variance sizes to r = 0.04 (0.01%), and r = .36 (13%) respectively. In other words, Ferguson found that there were positive aspects to playing violent video games, and that aggressive behavior was ruled out due to publication bias, and family violence.

Indeed, there seems to be a growing body of evidence disproving a causal relationship between video game violence and aggression/aggressive behavior, with some searchers focusing on the cathartic effects, or calming/coping use of violent video games. In fact, an article published in January of this year (2014), Ferguson and Olson examined 377 children with attention deficit or depressive symptoms, and rather than find support for aggressive hypotheses, instead found that it has a slight calming effect [5][6][7]. Other studies conducted by Olsen found that among 1,254 7th and 8th graders, the reasons for playing violent video games were tied to coping with emotions, tackling challenging situations, relieve stress, and to help create their own world [8].

It’s a little fascinating, then, that Wayne LaPierre, in the press conference following Sandy Hook, would say:

“And here’s another dirty little truth that the media try their best to conceal: There exists in this country a callous, corrupt and corrupting shadow industry that sells, and sows, violence against its own people. Through vicious, violent video games with names like Bulletstorm, Grand Theft Auto, Mortal Kombat and Splatterhouse.” [8]

Indeed, the studies that I have cited above used Grand Theft Auto, Mortal Kombat, and Halo for their experimental (or not) designs. So, with respect to LaPierre’s claim, there’s mixed results to support his stance, if any at all. But this leads us down another road. While pro-gun enthusiasts are quick to cite Hitler, Stalin, Mao, China, Russia, and Germany for the reasons we should maintain a very strict conservative approach to the second amendment, they don’t seem too quick to look at other countries when it comes to violent video games. Indeed, many other nations, most notably Japan, has a comparable or larger population of video game consumption, even with respect to violent video games, and yet far less violent crime. To me it seems hypocritical, but I suppose that’s to be expected from propaganda. And still, the issue becomes far more complex when we begin to realize that the Gun Debate is really a culture war, and not a policy debate.

 

Gun Control Pt. 1: Hitler, Mao, and Stalin

As expected, the Second Amendment has become a talking point among conservatives again since the recent shooting that took place at Ft. Hood. Among my readings, however, is an open letter titled Protecting the Second Amendment – Why all Americans Should Be Concerned, apparently penned at the hands of Green Berets, either retired or on active duty, amassing an estimated 1100 signatures so far. This letter originated in January of 2013, or so I can find, and therefore tackles a number of relevant topical issues that seem to be hashed about with regards to the gun debate.

While the author states that the letter is intended to reshape the debate on gun control, it does nothing of the sort, and instead follows along the same conservative, NRA (National Rifle Association) route of information, leading to the same conclusion. There is merit to various points, of course, but there are also critiques to be made. If anything, this open letter serves as a good example of the tenacious and insidious trends that seem to create the foundation of the gun debate as a whole. Rather than conservatives and liberals having an educated, pragmatic discussion on the issue of gun regulation, it’s a liberal defense against pro-fascist and pro-communist claims. This context doesn’t do anything but facilitate anger, frustration, and anti-insert regime name here sentiments. Frankly, it’ll be a long time before we see any legitimately useful federal legislation with respect to gun control, and while that might be the case, it’s also important to note the debate surrounding federal and state government sovereignty with this issue as well.

I’ll be using this letter as a focal point for my critique.

On Socialism, Fascism, Communism, Tyranny and rise to Power:

In my very firm opinion, there’s something particularly insidious about 1,100 Green Berets perpetuating this line of thinking. It isn’t about tyranny, indeed the Merriam-Webster definition of a tyrant is “a ruler who has complete power over a country and who is cruel and unfair.” What it’s about is this idea that only the three words stated above are possibly tyrants.

“Throughout history, disarming the populace has always preceded tyrants’ accession of power. Hitler, Stalin, and Mao all disarmed their citizens prior to installing their murderous regimes. At the beginning of our own nation’s revolution, one of the first moves made by the British government was an attempt to disarm our citizens. When our Founding Fathers ensured that the 2nd Amendment was made a part of our Constitution, they were not just wasting ink. They were acting to ensure our present security was never forcibly endangered by tyrants, foreign or domestic.”

I’ll always find quarrel with any reference to Hitler, Stalin, and Mao, in any discussion in context of gun control. It isn’t because I lean left political, but because it’s historically skewed, and from a scientific point of view a causal relationship being made whereupon there’s no genuine basis to stake such a claim. Referencing them doesn’t do anything more than facilitate a continued anti-communist, anti-fascist, and anti-socialist personification.

I’ll outline below the historical facts.

To be clear, however, my perspective is that the quote above serves as a wonderful example of the post hoc, ergo propter hoc fallacy. Literally translated as “after this, therefore because of this,” the quote above over simplifies comparative political, economic, and historical components by suggesting that strict gun control laws were the causal factor determining each event. For one, history seems to suggest that in some cases, gun laws didn’t precede, or even proceed after the immediate ascension of these leaders. Indeed, gun control either wasn’t a factor with respect to the regime in control, and even if it was, it wasn’t a big enough factor that could have altered the eventual outcome.

Hitler, and Germany

Bernard E. Harcourt does a good job in explaining the history, for which you can read his paper On Gun Registration, the NRA, Adolf Hitler, and Nazi Gun Laws: Exploding the Gun Culture Wars (A Call to Historians), which you can read by clicking here.

But, for your sake, I’ll try to sum it all up. At the end of World War I, Germany fell into a civil conflict now referred to as the German Revolution. Between November 1918 and August 1919 in which the Free Socialist Republican of Germany, consisting of the Communist Party of Germany, Bavarian Soviet Republic, and Free Workers’ Union clashed with the Imperial German Army and the Weimar Republic. Without delving too deeply into this façade, the Weimar Constitution was adopted in on August 11th, 1919. After this, radical left and right wing revolutionaries continued to duke it out. But even during this revolution, laws had been passed in January of 1919 that banned the possession of guns. Later, the Weimar Republic signed the Treaty of Versailles, with much disagreement to various stipulations, particularly the War Guilt Clause. But more to the point here, Articles 159-213 specifically detailed the disarmament of the German Military, and the destruction of all arms. In order to follow the guiltiness set forth by the treaty, the parliament passed the Regulation on Weapon Ownership that essentially banned all gun ownership. The next year, the Law on the Disarmament of the People was passed. It wasn’t until 1928 that the Law on Firearms and Ammunition was passed in which people could obtain weapons, but only after going through a particularly strict licensing process, much to the efforts of the Socialists and Communists in parliament that were eager to win against a failing conservative faction. This law required a permit to obtain a firearm, and yet another permit to carry it.

What’s important here, though, is the context of these laws. First, these laws were in one sense an attempt to portray the demands of the Treaty of Versailles. The Weimar Republic didn’t actually meat all of the demands set forth, much to the advantage of Hitler later on. Second, there was a lot of concern during the Weimar Republic’s reign of a government takeover, as there were a lot of political fights taking place between socialist factions, Communists, and Fascists. Indeed, Hitler attempted a coup in Munich in 1923. What this means, in effect, is that Hitler didn’t take people’s guns away as many pro-gun enthusiasts proclaim, indeed his own government did so prior to his coming to power. It’s a likelihood that those strict gun laws were put in place to prevent people like Hitler from coming to power. But it wasn’t just Hitler that they were trying to protect against. The Nazi Party wasn’t even recognized until the German Referendum of 1929, and between the mid 1920’s, and Hitler’s ascension in 1933, there were a lot of street battles going on. [1][2]

While this might be a testament to the ineffectiveness of gun laws, it’s important to note that by the time Hitler came to power, gun laws had become slightly more relaxed. Even more important to this whole discussion is that the events that took place between 1919 and 1933 are particularly complex, and to place all blame on Hitler for gun control oversimplifies the whole matter. Furthermore, it reduces Hitler’s tactics to a bare minimum. Hitler’s rise to power was a tactical one, using both terrorism and propaganda. But in the end, Hitler won the vote, and effectively was handed the dictatorship after many years of clashing with Communists. But what made him attractive as a leader was that unlike the Weimar Republic, Hitler outright ignored the Treaty of Versailles, and actively fought against it. By 1932, just three years after becoming recognized as an official party, the Nazi’s became the largest  party in Germany.

Moving back to gun laws, though, many seem to suggest that Hitler’s first move was to ban guns. Not only is this line of thinking marred by 14 years of prior legislation, but Hitler didn’t tackle gun laws until 1938, some five years after having come to power, when he signed the German Weapons Act. This law reduced some restrictions, maintained other restrictions, and also made new ones. In effect, the pro-gun arguments that Hitler banned guns is outright false, indeed, it’s propaganda. That being said, this law completely deregulated how people could acquire ammunition, rifles, and shotguns, it lowered the purchasing age from 20 to 18, valid permits were extended to last from 1 year to 3 years. Furthermore, whereas the previous law had allowed only government officials and police to be exempt, now hunters, government workers, and party members were exempt. Where things did get tighter, however, were on Jews, who were not only barred from owning, or possessing firearm, but also manufacturing or selling them, along with any other “dangerous” weapon. Later that year, the Regulations Against Jews’ Possession of Weapons was put into effect that furthered the endeavor to deprive Jews of weapons and firearms.

More to the complexity of this matter, though, is that the 1938 law had been proposed in 1933, 1935, and 1937, and failed because of ideological concerns. In order for the law to be effective, they needed the general population to not only be treated as faithful, but to also outline who the enemy of the state would be – the Jews.

In any case, Harcourt sums it up pretty well by saying:

“In order to disarm Jewish persons, the Nazi government used both the “trustworthiness” requirements originally legislated in 1928, as well as more direct regulations denying Jews the right to manufacture or possess firearms. It is absurd to even try to characterize this as either pro- or anti-gun control. But if forced to, I would have to conclude, at least preliminarily from this straightforward exercise in statutory interpretation, that the Nazis favored less gun control for the “trustworthy” German citizen than the predecessor Weimar Republic, while disarming the Jewish population and engaging in genocide.” (Pg. 677).

Harcourt also equates much of Nazi references to the culture war, and to this point I also most certainly agree. When the NRA references Hitler, Mao, or other classified tyrants, it is nothing more than propaganda – indeed, it’s not too different than the same people cited in opposition and how they rose to power. But what really needs to be taken from this is that any conversation on gun control needs to be a pragmatic one, not just a philosophical one. Hitler’s approach was both liberalizing and restrictive, but in two different contexts, and very targeted.

Stalin, and the Soviet Union

When citing a historical figure, or a country, in context to any debate it’s important to look at the whole picture and not just a small part. For this reason, it should be stated that most Russians more than likely were too poor to buy weapons with the exception of a hunting rifle, and to that extent it was meant for the livelihood of the person prior to and during the revolutions that took place during that time. To suggest that guns were stripped from the people suggests that they already had a right to them. Regardless of this, one particular claim has been circulating for quite some time as part of a longer letter, but with respect to the Soviet Union, it goes like this:

“In 1929, the Soviet Union established gun control. From 1929 to 1953, about 20 million dissidents, unable to defend themselves, were rounded up and exterminated.”

This notion, that liberal gun laws would have prevented this from happening, is pretty degrading to what happened. For one thing, the Ukrainian Famine, or Holodomor (which is literally translated as “plague of hunger”), had little to do with guns. Instead, some 3-5 million starved to death. A similar event occurred in 1921 during the reign of the Bolshevik’s. It should be noted that there is a lot of political and historical debate as to whether or not Holodomor constitutes a genocide, as the term is poorly defined. Regardless of this, strict vs lax gun laws did little to prevent it from happening, and would have done little to stop it. Stalin killed a lot of people. That’s certainly true.

Still, I can’t seem to find any legitimate historical references to either the Bolshevik’s or Stalin passing laws and regulations that subsequently tightened gun laws, or took guns from the general populace. It’s for this reason that I feel compelled to disregard the reference.

That being said, I will quote Karl Marx in his 1850 Address of the Central Committee to the Communist League:

“To be able forcefully and threateningly to oppose this party, whose betrayal of the workers will begin with the very first hour of victory, the workers must be armed and organized. The whole proletariat must be armed at once with muskets, rifles, cannon and ammunition, and the revival of the old-style citizens’ militia, directed against the workers, must be opposed. Where the formation of this militia cannot be prevented, the workers must try to organize themselves independently as a proletarian guard, with elected leaders and with their own elected general staff; they must try to place themselves not under the orders of the state authority but of the revolutionary local councils set up by the workers. Where the workers are employed by the state, they must arm and organize themselves into special corps with elected leaders, or as a part of the proletarian guard. Under no pretext should arms and ammunition be surrendered; any attempt to disarm the workers must be frustrated, by force if necessary. The destruction of the bourgeois democrats’ influence over the workers, and the enforcement of conditions which will compromise the rule of bourgeois democracy, which is for the moment inevitable, and make it as difficult as possible – these are the main points which the proletariat and therefore the League must keep in mind during and after the approaching uprising.”

I emphasize the important sentence, but quoted the whole paragraph for context. I show this for the very clear purposes of inciting a thought process. How is Marx’ quote above any different from the line of reasoning that pro-gun enthusiasts use against gun control? And why would they be against Communism when the founding father agrees with ownership of weapons? While contexts are quite different, the underlying basic principle is the same: defense of freedom. While this can lead to a major debate, I feel the point should be made.

Mao, and China

Based on one source by Huan Zhu, three laws have been passed in China since 1952 (again in 1988, and then in 1996), with the current legal standing based on a law passed in 1996. A little conflicting, however, comes from Asian Times, in which Mitch Moxley states:

“China introduced gun control in 1966, after children armed with rifles shot out a window at the Great Hall of the People at the Tiananmen Square in Beijing while trying to hit a sparrow, according to official MPS history. The government cracked down harder on gun ownership after the 1989 pro- democracy demonstrations.”

In any case, there were Communist conflicts between Korea and Japan, and for this reason there was a necessity to arm citizens. In fact, the Chinese suffered from mass casualties because their weapons were not as well off as their opponents’.

To be clear, it’s difficult to find any information on gun laws in China, or Russia, during the times of Mao and Stalin. To use either as an example of the necessity of guns does nothing more than prove a campaign of propaganda and fear mongering, than it does to serve a legitimate stance on individual liberty.

Britain

To quote Harcourt once more:

“Anglo-American tradition of gun registration dates back to seventeenth-century England. Both prior to and after the adoption of the English Bill of Rights, there were a number of gun regulations in place in England, including registration requirements.33 In 1660, for instance, all gunsmiths were ordered to produce a record of all firearms they had sold and of all their buyers from the past six months.’ Gunsmiths were then required to report this information weekly.35 These requirements-which constitute the first known gun registration scheme-remained in place after the adoption of the English Bill of Rights of 1689, which declared that “the subjects which are Protestants may have arms for their defence suitable to their conditions and as allowed by law. ‘3 6 Prior and subsequent English history reflects a long and steady tradition of substantial statutory limitations on gun ownership.” (Pg. 662).

English restrictions get pretty deep, and widespread, of course, and later on they attempt to restrict the U.S. from weapons, particularly gunpowder, and increasingly create registries, and lists, etc.

I have little quarrel with a pro-right enthusiast citing English attempts to prevent private ownership of a weapon, because that is inherently tied to our history. That being said, it’s still not a fool-proof argument to lean on, because in the end, there’s also hundreds of years of history.

There’s also the sad fact that gun control was also heavily tied to racial issues. For the same reason that England attempted to prevent us from being armed, we prevented slaves from being armed – rebellion. The prevention of rebellion is something that every regime, country, or organization attempts to not only crush, but prevent. Indeed it is in the best interest of the people in power to prevent rather than crush a rebellion in the grand scheme of things.

This point leads to a very lengthy conversation on the pervasive and pernicious engendered and racial attitudes when it comes to the entire gun debate as a whole, not just with the right to ownership, but when it bleeds over into crime. To conclude this section, I feel the need to say that it is important that tyranny comes in many shapes and tastes, and it seems to me a bit tyrannical, if only in a political sense, to restrict research into the effectiveness of gun laws on gun crimes, something that the NRA has done for many, many years. It also seems a bit ruthless to consistently equate tyranny to any philosophical conception that isn’t in line with capitalism.

Obamacare, What’s Next?

The Affordable Care Act is an incomplete, incompetent travesty of a law. It fails to deal with rising healthcare costs, it fails to ensure that all American’s have access to healthcare, and it fails to rein in the rampant overpricing in the pharmaceutical industry. All that being said, the ACA is the best that we’re going to do for the foreseeable future. The GOP can make all the political hay they want about the problems with the law and why it needs to be repealed, we need to start moving past this and start having a real conversation about how to repair this law.

Before we move any further, it’s time to talk about the history. Back in 2009 the Democratic Party, led by Obama, decided that now was the time to attempt a major overhaul of the entire healthcare system. There’s an incredible Frontline documentary that outlines the incredibly corrupt and incompetent way in which that law was written, and you should watch it. Basically, members of the health care lobby wrote huge sections of the law and then Max Baucus put those into his version of the healthcare bill which is what largely became law.

We should start having a rational conversation about the real pros and cons of Obamacare. And we should start looking at real parameters for where the law is succeeding and failing. The best examples would be to look at states like California, Arkansas, and Kentucky, as well as Texas, and Florida. The reason why we bring up these five states is because all of them have a huge population of uninsured, but Texas and Florida under their Republican governors refused to have a medicaid exchange, as such the full intent of the law is not being met in those two states. The reason California is important is because it has the second largest population of uninsured in the country, and is fully implementing the law, so if it can work in California, it should in theory be able to work everywhere else. Arkansas and Kentucky are important because they are conservative states who have democratic governors, and fully embraced the healthcare law. We should also be looking at the national price of healthcare and healthcare coverage all across the country for the next 5 or 6 years. This will give us a very good indication of the weaknesses and strengths of the law. Already some have presented themselves. Recently, Congress increased the deductible that small businesses can charge for the insurance programs. It is issues like these that we can clearly see, that both parties need to start working together on.

This election season, when weighing your vote, look for the candidate who is trying to fix real world problems, who is also trying to move this country forward. Look for the candidate who thinks for themselves, and doesn’t tow a party line, who presents a vision for this country showing you where we can go, and not just trying to drag their opponents into the mud.

 

Supreme Court of No Justice

Today, the Supreme Court handed down there opinion on McCutcheon v. Federal Election Commission, ultimately ruling that aggregate limits to campaigns were unconstitutional for failing to perpetuate government interests. Aggregate spending is the amount an individual can donate in a single election cycle. To be very clear, we agree with the dissenting opinion that the majority opinion is divorced from reality, but to further that, we believe it to be a death blow to the middle class and poor American’s. Free Speech, is money, and contributing to political campaigns is a sophisticated means for which a person may express their political ideas. But by striking down previously held case law, Roberts gives way to the notion that a person with more money is more capable of expressions of free speech, than a person with far less money to contribute, if not outright, but in context alone.

Summary: McCutcheon contributed to 16 federal candidates during the 2011-2012 election season, following along the guidelines of the Bipartisan Campaign Reform Act of 2002 (BCRA) base line limits. However, he wanted to donate to 12 more candidates, and was not able to due to aggregate limits. Their case was originally denied by the District Court on the basis that aggregate limits were constitutional for attempting to prevent evasion from baseline limits, in effect, complying with anticorruption interests on the part of the Federal Government. Roberts, Scalia, Kennedy, and Alito concluded that aggregate limits are in violation of the First Amendment, with Thomas concurring in judgment.

Although Justice Thomas agreed with the decision handed down, he didn’t agree with the route for which it was achieved. In fact, he critiqued the plurality (even though he was among them), for essentially being hypocritical, circular, and flawed in their logic. To quote Thomas:

“I am wholly in agreement with the plurality’s conclusion on this point: “The Government may not penalize an individual for ‘robustly exercising’ his First Amendment rights…I regret only that the plurality does not acknowledge that today’s decision, although purporting not to overrule Buckley, continues to chip away at its footings. In sun, what remains of Buckley is a rule without a rationale.”

He goes on to explain that he would have gone a different route which would have led to essentially the same thing. The difference being, that Buckley would have specifically overruled Buckley and applied strict scrutiny to the BCRA stipulations, which he then contends would have failed.

In any case, the plurality focused predominantly on a previous case, Buckley v. Valeo, 424 U.S. 1, that tackled baseline and aggregate spending with respect to campaign donations. Roberts notes that statutory restrictions on baseline restrictions have become stronger since Buckley, and in turn suggests that the issue at hand is inherently different because McCutheon had issue with the BCRA, and not the Federal Election Campaign Act of 1971 (FECA), which the BCRA amended.

The rationale fell on three principles:

1)      Aggregate limits don’t further government objectives that survive scrutiny because, it is argued, that spending a lot of money doesn’t lead to corruption;

2)      Aggregate limits don’t safeguard the base limits;

3)      Aggregate limits are not reasonable with respect to being policy tool, and in effect not proportional to the federal interests to prevent corruption.

Breyer, Ginsburg, Sotomayor, Kagan, however, disagreed with all three points for these reasons. First, corruption was too narrowly defined, sticking to a quid pro quo concept, both in image of corruption, and actual act. Further still, they point out that, with the exception of Citizens United v. Federal Election Commission, 558 U.S. 310 (2010), the BCRA was upheld in McConnell v Federal Election Commission, 540 U.S. 93, 138 (2003). They outline how the court, in this new decision, completely undermines the government’s interest in preventing corruption. As quoted:

“Corruption breaks the constitutionally necessary “chain of communication” between the people and their representatives. It derails the essential speech-to-government-action tie. Where enough money calls the tune, the general public will not be heard. Insofar as corruption cuts the link between political thought and political action, a free marketplace of political ideas loses its point. That is one reason why the Court has stressed the constitutional importance of Congress’ concern that a few large donations not drown out the voices of the many.”

Indeed, he also points out, that in Federal Election Commission v. National Right to Work Commission, 459 U.S. 197, 208 (1982), that money will influence an elected official even in such a way that they will act contrary to their obligations. An appearance of corruption can be even more corrosive because it leads to distrust, cynicism, and inaction.

In fact, in McConnell, a case in which extremely similar questions were tackled, the same court can be quoted as saying:

“Just as troubling to a functioning democracy as classic quid pro quo corruption is the danger that officeholders will decide issues not on the merits or the desires of their constituencies, but according to the wishes of those who have made large financial contributions valued by the officeholder.”

What makes McConnell a pretty important case, is that there were over 100,000 pages of material on the matter, including 200 witness testimonies. There was a lot of information used to come to the decision in McConnell that both base and aggregate limits were not just constitutional, but particularly important in safeguarding political integrity as a whole, as well as from corruption. The court today scrapped both McConnell, and Buckley, in large part, if not entirely (although the plurality opinion suggests that neither were overruled, Breyer clearly asks how that can be so given the contextual argument). The dissent delves into other cases that emphasize just how much the court today reversed standing, and important case law. Indeed, the only case that supports this new decision, is Citizens United.

The plurality’s second point is also flawed. For one, a candidate can create a bunch of committees, one for election, one for victory, one for loss, etc., which means that base limits are useless. It creates so many methods for which a single person can receive more money for which base limits are supposed to protect. This also means that one wealthy individual can donate upwards of $3.6 million dollars over a two years period, and in effect that money, legally, could be transferred to a single candidate. That’s what this law allows. Even though there are well known loopholes, this ruling makes those loopholes legal.

With respect to the pluralities third reasoning, Breyer states that it is complex, but still hypocritical, and that given the flaws within all three points of rationale, should have kept aggregate limits constitutional. Still, another point that Breyer makes, is that plurality, believing the question to be a purely legal one, avoided an evidentiary development. For those of you who aren’t sure what that is, it’s where all records, testimonies, etc., are analyzed, and debated among the parties involved in order to determine whether or not something is serving a compelling state or federal interest. Breyer notes that in McConnell, and all other cases involving campaign finance reform, such as with respect to aggregate and base limits, there was an evidentiary process to make sure that an Act of Congress wasn’t just thrown out for silly reasons. However, the plurality, in this case, did not do that, and instead chose haste over logic, legality, and the preservation of liberty for all, not just the wealthy.

I encourage you to read the dissenting opinion as three examples are outlined in detail, for which the plurality rejects as being no threat, or will not take place. Except, why wouldn’t it take place? Why would any political action committee (PAC), candidate, or political party, not capitalize on this, when years of data, and case law, suggest otherwise?! Still, their argument is that since 1976 things have become tougher. Yet, the dissenters analyzed 9 court cases that referred to specific FEC regulations that failed in preventing circumvention techniques that were just made legal, yet had been happening since 1976.

All of this boils down to a philosophical argument, of course, that is also tied to freedom of speech. Is it not corrupt, if at least in context, for a wealthy individual to essentially buy a candidate? Apparently not, that’s just free speech. Good thing we have the Supreme Court Justices, who don’t ever have any biases, or political monetary groups supporting them, to make rational judgments that might actually protect the rights of everyone, and not just the wealthy.

Another major point to consider is the danger for donors and business owners. With individuals being able to donate nearly unlimited amounts of money it now makes it possible for politicians to legally shakedown any individual of means. When there was an aggregate amount of money it made it possible for someone to become tapped out of funds and thus could send donations to the individuals and committees they actually supported.

This should spark a national debate on campaign finance, donations, etc., because for nearly 40 years it has been understood that money influences politics in such a way that degrades it, and destroys it. Yet, the court today ignored this precedent. In the coming months we’ll tackle the issue more, both with respect to the debate, but also our perspective. We would like to finish this article with a quote from Breyer which encapsulates our opinion, not just with this case, but in context of the whole debate:

“Today a majority of the Court overrules this holding. It is wrong to do so. Its conclusion rests upon its own, not a record-based, view of the facts. Its legal analysis is faulty :It misconstrues the nature of the competing constitutional interests at stake. It understates the importance of protecting the political integrity of our governmental institutions. It creates a loophole that will allow a single individual to contribute millions of dollars to a political party or to a candidate’s campaign. Taken together with Citizens United v. Federal Election Comm’n, 558 U. S. 310 (2010), today’s decision eviscerates our Nation’s campaign finance laws, leaving a remnant incapable of dealing with the grave problems of democratic legitimacy that those laws were intended to resolve.”

 

American Politics and Christianity

In the late 1970’s a political powerhouse was forming. It was made up of Conservative evangelicals, anti-communists, and pro-capitalists. While this movement had been building for decades it truly came into focus when Ronald Reagan ran for and won the Republican nomination in 1980 (he had tried twice before this in 1968 and 1976). This political coalition is still incredibly powerful in American politics today. Because of this coalition, it created a dynamic that quite frankly was very dangerous and ill-advised. It harnessed the tremendous excitement of millions of conservative Christians, but this also created a link between issues that quite frankly did not belong. During the 1992 Republican national convention Pat Buchanan quoted Al Gore saying that the central role of the government is the protection of the environment. Pat Buchanan said “wrong, the central role of government is the protection of freedom.” This is the famous culture war speech in which he never actually says culture war.

So why do I bring this up? So many issues have been linked to a Christian worldview that quite frankly do not belong. Don’t get me wrong, I am a Christian and I am pro-life, I also believe that being a Christian is about being a good steward, and this has led me to support responsible spending practices and also support pro-environmental standards. To my conservative Christian friends, if I said “I think anyone that does not support a tax increase on the wealthy or tougher environmental standards isn’t a moral Christian,” I imagine you would not take it very well, and I would be wrong to say it. Using moral arguments has its place and should be used but they should not be used for every, single, issue. Take Obamacare for example, the entire federal government was ground to a halt for two weeks because it was suddenly viewed as a moral imperative to stop it at all costs. The sort of rhetoric I see used against Barack Obama should be reserved for the most heinous of war criminals, not a mediocre center-left politician.

This leads me to the left and a huge problem that has crept into it. Since 2000 a growing number of Democrats are what many pollsters call “nons”, people who are Atheists, agnostics, spiritual but not religious, etc. The Republican party has become God’s party and the Democrat’s have become the Godless party. To be clear, I am not saying that Democrats are immoral, I am saying that Democrats are increasingly being governed by a different moral code. One defined largely by what we would call secular humanism. When a liberal talks about getting morality out of government what they are really saying is get Christian morality out of government. No one in their right mind would want a truly amoral government that is only beholden to the letter of the law and care nothing of intent or how it affected people.

This has created a huge rift in America today, one that has existed since before I was born. Whole generations have been brought up with this other America, wholly alien and immoral that doesn’t really share our values, they aren’t normal Americans like me and you. It has been destructive, counter-productive, and damaged all movements that have stuck their noses into it. It has also allowed both Liberals and Conservatives to demonize and use increasingly harsh tactics that dehumanize their opponents, after all, they don’t share my values, they are Godless or primitive and we should do whatever we can to break them. Screw Ted Cruz, what a right-wing nut job, he has no idea what he is talking about, or Nancy Pelosi, what an immoral Feminist, I wouldn’t want her anywhere near my children let alone as Speaker of the House. When we think of our opponents this way, it cheapens us all and makes any meaningful political discourse virtually impossible. I am not saying you can’t have strong feeling about issues. By all means strong convictions are what makes this country great.

We however cannot forget that one of the things that makes this country great is our Republic, and a Republic cannot stand when the parties involved hate each other so much that they would have a scorched earth policy when it comes to politics. Have strong convictions, write your Congressman, make impassioned pleas, campaign for the people that share your ideals, but do not forget that your opponents are not your enemies.

This has had a horrible effect on the American Church. Christians have become synonymous with Republicans and vice-a-versa. It has given the impression that the Church is nothing more than an extension of the Republican party or sometimes even more disturbingly the other way around. By becoming so closely linked with the Republican party it creates a stumbling block to the lost. Christians forget one of the biggest lessons of the crucifiction of Jesus Christ. The Pharisees take Jesus to Pontius Pilate the Roman Governor of Judea, and the book of Luke says:

“66 both the chief priests and the teachers of the law, met together, and Jesus was led before them. 67 “If you are the Messiah,” they said, “tell us.” Jesus answered, “If I tell you, you will not believe me, 68 and if I asked you, you would not answer. 69 But from now on, the Son of Man will be seated at the right hand of the mighty God.” 70 They all asked, “Are you then the Son of God?” He replied, “You say that I am.” 71 Then they said, “Why do we need any more testimony? We have heard it from his own lips.”

Now this is important because the Jews thought of the Messiah as King of Jews, and the Romans could not resist asserting authority over the Jewish community, and how could the Romans assert more authority than executing the king of Jews who was sent by their one God? The reason I am talking about this is because earthly authority cannot resist gaining as much power as possible, and by the Church aka “the bride of Christ” becoming so closely tied to the Conservative movement, it does just that.

We are at a critical moment, both politically and religiously. As long as the Church continues to be so closely tied to the Conservative movement it will harm both the growth of Conservatives, and the Church. The Church must be willing to say what is close to God’s heart by being willing to talk about issues with ALL politicians across all movements. If the Church is to stay relevant and the endless moral sermons of both Liberals and Conservatives are going to be even remotely productive, we must as a country, as a movement, as political parties, must realise, that putting words in God’s mouth, or thinking that anyone who we disagree with me immoral, we must accept our own moral imperfections, and acknowledge that we all fall short of our own standards. That “united we stand divided we fall” is more than a slogan, it is fact. This goes for Liberals, Conservatives, Christians, Atheist, and even political bloggers.